Category: Extremism

Today, once again, Israel’s secular courts came to the rescue of Jewish women.

In a dramatic hearing at the Israeli Supreme Court, three judges ordered the city of Beit Shemesh to remove all signs limiting the freedom of dress or movement of women in public spaces.

In the culmination of a five-year battle begun by four Orthodox women, each of whom had been physically assaulted in proximity to the signs, and during which the city reneged on its promises repeatedly, the judges made clear that further stallings and excuses would not be tolerated.

According to the ruling, the signs, some of which dictate how women must dress, and others that tell women where they can and cannot walk, must come down by December 18, or Mayor Moshe Abutbol can be jailed for contempt.

The judges, Meltzer, Shoham and Mintz, declared not only that the signs must come down, but that the municipal police must patrol the area to ensure that they are not put back up. Indeed, he suggested including undercover agents to patrol the areas once the signs are taken down, in order to ensure that women are not harassed for being there.

Abutbol, in response, said in an interview with the radio station Reshet B: “The women must respect the sensitivities of residents of a private neighborhood. There is no room for provocations.”

It is important to note that these signs hang above major commercial thoroughfares, where there are health clinics, shops and businesses, not “private neighborhoods.” And these signs are not simply ink on billboard. They are not quaint, symbolic notions with no real-world consequences. They are a marking of turf, a justification for violence and have lead to women and girls being verbally harassed and physically assaulted with objects, including rocks, hurled at them.

Extremists use these signs to intimidate and bully, and an entire generation of youth is taught that if someone doesn’t look the way they think she should, intimidation and violence is an acceptable way of forcing the person into conformism.

“Today’s decision will be precedent-setting,” said Orly Erez likhovski, director of the legal department of the Israel Religious Action Center and lawyer for the women in this suit. “It sends a clear message to the radicals that things are going to change, that women’s rights to walk freely in the public sphere will be protected and that the rule of law applies in Beit Shemesh as anywhere else.”

Shoham said in the hearing: “Now they are asking for long sleeves and long skirts. What will they ask for next?” (He then passed his hand in front of his face to imply veils.)

Before suggesting that this is hyperbole, it should be noted that what used to be four street signs, at the start of this lawsuit, are now eight. As a Beit Shemesh resident myself, I have watched the extremism grow worse. In a significant escalation, this year, teens walking through these areas on Shabbat to their volunteer assignments were met with insults and projectiles by dozens and at times hundreds of men, women and children. Not until their institutions and illegal buildings were threatened did the assaults stop.

A street sign in Beit Shemesh calling on women to only enter if dressed modestly.
A street sign in Beit Shemesh calling on women to only enter if dressed modestly. (Alisa Coleman)

Women and girls are absent in circulars, health care clinic brochures or any official city publication. On some bus lines, women are expected to sit in the back. Graffiti against Israel Defense Forces soldiers and Zionists, attacks on soldiers and riots against the army have all increased.

The women of Beit Shemesh have had no assistance in battling this trend. Though in the hearing, Abutbol claimed that he was against the signs, the judge read aloud an interview Abutbol had given on Kol B’Rama, an ultra-Orthodox radio station, where he clearly states his support for the signs. And indeed, he’s done precious little to bring them down and remove his city from the clutches of extremists.

When the mayor finally acknowledged that the signs had to come down, he placed responsibility on the police, saying that he fears for the safety of the city inspectors at the hands of the extremists. The judges rejected this, ordering him to remove them all, using police as backup if necessary, or face fines and jail time himself.

It is entirely possible that on December 18 there will be riots on the streets of Beit Shemesh.

But this fight cannot stop and we cannot give in, because Beit Shemesh is the front line for Israel’s national battle against religious Orthodox fundamentalism. Our communities, and the future of Judaism, are at stake.

 

 

Originally published in The Forward, December 4, 2018

I was going to be the Minister of the Environment. That’s the answer I gave my parents when they asked me my plans for moving from New Jersey to Israel at age 22.

I believed it. And why not? I had a degree in Environmental Studies and was accepted to an MA program at Hebrew University. Living in Israel was the dream; doing what I could to make it better was the plan.

As it happens, within a few weeks, I met my husband-to-be on the beach in Eilat (during a marine biology course!) and, well, five kids and three​ ​transatlantic moves later, I am not the Minister of the Environment.

What I have become is a product of my environment: a reluctant warrior, an accidental activist.

For the past ten years, I have lived on the front lines of religious extremism in Israel, and I have seen it slowly take over both communal and political institutions.

Had I moved to moshav in the Galilee, instead of Beit Shemesh, I’d likely be happily sipping coffee on my porch, watching the sunset, knowing nothing about women being erased from publications, girls relegated to the back of the bus, the struggles of women as they try to leave marriages, or the alarming health statistics of Haredi women.

“The Orthodox community is sliding towards extremism, and the first victims are women.”

 

But I didn’t, and I do. And having stood at the side of an aunt, as she slogged through the misery that is divorce through the Israeli religious court, fighting to be freed from the man who had left her and her children, and having cried and begged the court’s judges to do better, but instead seeing papers “lost,” promises broken, and apathy unhinged, I have become someone who knows too much to hold her tongue.

And so, I began to write. I wrote about agunot, women chained to failed marriages like my aunt, and about the failings of the system. I wrote about women’s images being censored, and about how girls in my neighborhood were being spit on. I wrote what I saw and how I felt and that we must do better.

At that time, I continued to seek help for my aunt. I turned to anyone I could find: lawyers, activists, MKs, rabbis, rabbaniot, legal advocates. Everyone I met introduced me to someone else.

The more I learned, the more I wrote, and the more I wrote, the more I understood.

In the end, I came to perceive a systemic problem in Judaism—the Orthodox community is sliding towards extremism, and the first victims are women.

The sign in the photo above is one of several similar signs in Ramat Beit Shemesh Bet, a neighborhood populated by some of the most extreme sects of Judaism.

It proclaims that all women who enter the area must be modestly dressed — and spells out what that means. The graffiti underneath it echos the sentiment.

“What is the big deal? It’s just a sign. Ignore it,” people say.

But it is not just as sign. It is a symbol of control. It is a rallying point. It is the justification for violent behavior. It is a designation of turf and power.

In this neighborhood, a self-designated “Committee for Purity” decides what images and words may be published. They, and others who follow their lead, levy threats against publications and businesses, and assault those who get in their way. The committee has intimidated local businesses so thoroughly that no locally produced publication depicts women of any age. The local health clinics and banks won’t portray women, making for some disturbing promotions of women’s health featuring only boys and men for whom the same services are irrelevant.

Modest women have been called “shiksa” and “prutza.” Some of us have been spit on as well. Teens walking to their volunteer Shabbat programs have been pelted with garbage, diapers, and even bottles. A teenager cut a woman’s head open with a rock because he didn’t like the way she was dressed.

“It is not just as sign. It is a symbol of control… It is a designation of turf and power.”

It may start with women, but it never ends there. IDF soldiers have been attacked by Haredi men and boys. Women and children call the Israeli police “Nazi,” and garbage bins and tires are burned in the streets.

If the extremism were simply a phenomenon of a small group, it might be possible to ignore. But it is not — how can it be, when it exists on the political level as well?

Of the two Haredi political parties, neither allows women. Though they claim to represent the women of their community, no Haredi MK even attends the committee on women’s health (which is indeed relevant to the women of their community). The lack of representation and of listening to the needs of women has real-life consequences. Haredi women die 30% more of breast cancer than other women, and their life expectancy is 8th out of 10 lowest, compared to Haredi men’s 2nd place. I have been accused of hating Haredim because I have written about these statistics. But I’m speaking out on behalf of the Haredi women; with no Knesset presence, who will fight for their health if we don’t make the situation known?

In the Israeli religious courts, women seeking divorce are too often sent back to abusive husbands, with the judges’ reassurance that they won’t be beaten as long as they don’t ask for a divorce. Agunah cases wait endlessly on the docket, get extortion is not only allowed, but actively encouraged, as the easiest way to achieve a halachically acceptable divorce

“This is not Judaism and this is not Halacha.”

This is not Judaism and this is not Halacha. Anyone who tells you differently is at best ignorant. Much can be done to reverse these injustices without touching Halacha. Changing court practices — even how long it takes for a case to be heard — would eliminate much suffering. Get extortion should be outlawed. Evidence suggests that when women are brought into the process, as advocates, or even as administrators, divorce cases are resolved more quickly and more easily in than the current system.

The trend in Judaism is to circle the wagons, but no one notices those trampled under the wheels.

My conclusions, from all that I’ve seen, is that women have become afterthoughts. Women’s needs are considered after, and so long as they do not interfere with, those of men. Women’s perspectives are not sought out when it comes time to make decisions or establish policies, which means that, very often, women’s perspectives are not taken into consideration. The effects are devastating—on both women and men.

This is not the Judaism I know and love. My religion has been hijacked and I want to take it back. It is not easy. I have seen it repeatedly — how extremism gets worse when no one stands against it. But we must.

Until I move to that moshav in the Galilee, this is where I’ll be: working to get Judaism back on track. Writing, protesting, collaborating with others to resist policies that harm those the Torah is meant to protect. I invite you to join us.

 

 

About The Project
The Jewish Week and “The Layers Project” have collaborated to bring you the series, “Hidden Reflections, Revealed: A Communal Introspective on the Thresholds of Orthodox Femininity.” This is the fifth installment in the series that will contain images and essays that serve as a communal cheshbon hanefesh (accounting of the soul) on the topic of several women’s issues in Orthodoxy. Read the rest of the series here, and look out for the next installment on The Jewish Week. For more personal stories and ‘in-depth insights into the lives of Jewish women,’ check out “The Layers Project” on Facebook. Images created by Shira Lankin Sheps, founder of “The Layers Project.”

But most shocking of all that Rabbi Shafran writes is the question he asks rhetorically. “Are religious Zionists to be expected to condemn every outrage committed by a “hilltop youth?” YES, Rabbi Shafran. YES they are! That is what it means to be a moral and responsible person.

I wrote these words on Yom Hashoah and this is the number one lesson that I have taken from the Holocaust. Not that people hate us, not that we must circle the wagons, not that we should make excuses for extremism and say it’s only a few crazies, but that when people do bad things, it is our moral and religious obligation to stand against them — every time. I honestly cannot believe this is something I need to explain to a rabbi.

I invite Rabbi Shafran to come and spend some time in Beit Shemesh since he appears not to believe its residents. He will see children tearing Israeli flags off cars, soldiers being physically attacked and called Nazis, and young boys with payot calling Jewish mothers ‘shiksas’.

Come ride the Number 11 bus and you can hear Jewish men telling Jewish women and girls to go to the back of the bus. This is the next generation of Haredi Jews here, Rabbi. Our town is the canary in the coal mine of Jewish extremism. That you care more about the reputation of your community than its actual health and future says more about its decay than any additional evidence I might bring.

Read more at The Times of Israel

Shoshanna Keats Jaskoll

What was once called “extremism” is the new normal. It is not, as Shafran writes, a phenomenon of a small group of “outliers” who throw things or call people names, while the majority “fully embrace all Jews, including those estranged from observance or mired in the milieu.” Rather, both the political and religious establishments in the Haredi world are increasingly intolerant of anything but the Haredi worldview.

 

Read more in The Forward 

Shoshanna Keats Jaskoll

Calling into question a divorce that has long been in effect has serious, and potentially devastating, ramifications for real people.

Beyond the fate of this one woman. Rabbi Yosef’s actions are dangerous in the extreme for halachic Judaism as a whole.

  1. They undermine the authority of the Beit Din itself.

Every divorce is granted under the auspices of a rabbinic court. If another rabbinic court can come along and revoke the first court’s divorces (or declare them null and void), then no Beit Din may be considered reliable when it comes to divorce, and its status-changing implications…

Yes, the law is on the books that one court can undo the edicts of a previous court — but only under certain conditions of established greatness, and only when it comes to legislative acts, which can’t be enacted in this day and age with no Sandhedrin.  YES, halachic disputes happen all the time. They are built into the system. But when a beit din’s decision on status takes effect, it’s considered sacrosanct.

  1. They undermine the “forever” status of divorce.

Revoking a get sets a very dangerous precedent. If an unrelated court can come along and revoke (or declare null and void) one divorce, even given its unusual circumstances, what is to protect any divorce from the same? Every presumed divorcee should hesitate before marrying again, lest she risk subsequent accusations of adultery. Indeed, every post-divorce marriage risks being called into question.

From a human perspective, this is terribly difficult. How can any divorced person move on with his or her life if the divorce can be questioned? The potential ramifications of this are endless and chaotic.

  1. The human dimension of this specific case.

This woman was married for seven years to a man she knew would not regain consciousness. She’s only 34-years-old. Chaining her to someone whose body functions only by virtue of machines for the rest of his life when there is a legitimate halachic mechanism to release her that was approved by the Tzfat Beit Din is cruel.

In truth, the fact that Rabbi Yosef and many others would convene with the question of revoking this get calls into question our ability to rely on our rabbis to protect our widows, our orphans, our converts, and even Halacha — which allows for this kind of divorce.

Read more in The Times of Israel

Haredi women are dying of modesty and living in a ghetto of silence.

The death rate among Israeli Haredi women from breast cancer is 30% higher than in the general population. This, despite the fact that the rate of haredi women diagnosed with breast cancer was 70% lower than secular women, according to various studies.

In Haredi society, speaking of breasts and other female body parts is immodest.

So they aren’t spoken about.

This means that Haredi women have fewer breast exams and mammograms are not routinely done and too many women do not learn that they are ill until they are dying.

Read more in the Times of Israel

Shoshanna Keats Jaskoll

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